Black Looks - Including an African LGBTIQ+ Archive

Elections, Haiti

Michel Martelly exposed as Stealth Duvalierist

Excellent article by Jeb Sprague on what lies behind the hype of Michel Martelly – stealth Duvalierst

In the media coverage of Haiti’s ongoing electoral crisis, presidential candidate Michel “Sweet Micky” Martelly, whom ruling Unity party candidate Jude Célestin edged out of Haiti’s Jan. 16 run-off by less than 1%, has been portrayed as the victim of voting fraud and the leader of a populist upsurge against Haiti’s crooked Provisional Electoral Council (CEP).

Some have questioned his presidential suitability by pointing to his vulgar antics as a konpa musician over the last two decades, where he often made demeaning comments about women and periodically dropped his trousers to bare his backside. The real problem with Martelly, however, is not his perceived immorality, but his heinous political history and close affiliation with the reactionary “forces of darkness,” as they are called in Haiti, which have snuffed out each genuine attempt Haitians have made over the past 20 years to elect a democratic government. Far from a champion of democracy, Martelly has been a cheerleader for, and perhaps even a participant in, bloody coups d’état and military rule.

Duvalierist Affinities
Under the Duvalier dictatorship, Martelly ran the Garage, a nightclub patronized by army officers and members of Haiti’s tiny ruling class. At a recent press conference, Martelly spoke nostalgically of the Duvalierist era, when François “Papa Doc” Duvalier and later his son Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” enforced their iron rule with gun and machete wielding Tonton Macoutes, a sort of Haitian Gestapo.

“Today the dog is eating its vomit,” lamented Marcus Garcia of Radio Mélodie FM in a Dec. 8 editorial. While “Michel Martelly openly defends the Duvalier regime in a press conference,” the youth who have been duped into supporting him are “without memory of [the infamous political prison] Fort Dimanche-Fort La mort, without memory of the Nov. 29, 1987 electoral massacre,” when neo-Duvalierist thugs killed hundreds of would-be voters.

In a 2002 article, the Washington Post explained how the konpa singer was a long-time

“favorite of the thugs who worked on behalf of the hated Duvalier family dictatorship before its 1986 collapse.”

But the mainstream media of late has yet to pick up on the singer’s past affiliations. Duvalierist affinities should not be taken lightly. Human rights groups such as the League of Former Political Prisoners and Families of the Disappeared compiled a partial list of several thousand of the Duvalier regime’s victims, which was published in Haïti Progrès in 1987, but total estimates of those killed under the U.S.-backed 29-year long dictatorship range from 30,000 to 50,000 people. After Baby Doc’s fall in February 1986, a mass democratic movement, long repressed by the Duvaliers, burst forth and became known as the LAVALAS, or flood. Martelly quickly became a bitter LAVALAS opponent, making trenchant attacks against the popular movement in his songs played widely on Haitian radio.

The Rise of Aristide and the 1991 Coup
Following his dramatic election with 67% of the vote in Dec. 16, 1990 elections, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a former parish priest and LAVALAS movement leader, was inaugurated on Feb. 7, 1991 as Haiti’s democratically elected president, but then deposed by a military coup, for the first time, on Sep. 30, 1991, only eight months into his first term. Martelly “was closely identified with sympathizers of the 1991 military coup that ousted former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide,” the Miami Herald observed in 1996.

The military junta that ruled Haiti between 1991 and 1994 was bloody and brutal. According to Human Rights Watch, some 5,000 people were murdered by the junta’s soldiers and paramilitaries, and thousands more tortured and raped. Hundreds of thousands were driven into hiding and exile.

Martelly became the coup’s joker, applauding the junta while it was in power. He was friends with the dreaded Lt. Col. Michel François, who, as Police Chief, was the principal director of the coup’s executioners.

For instance, according to a fact-finding report by former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark’s Haiti Commission of Inquiry into the Sep. 30 Coup d’Etat, François drove a red Jeep leading several buses full of soldiers into large crowds demonstrating against the coup on the Champ de Mars in front of the National Palace on the night of Sep. 30, 1991. (A January 1991 coup d’état, nine months earlier, had been turned back by such massive demonstrations.) The crowds applauded the soldiers, thinking they had come to put down the coup. Instead, on François’ signal, the bus windows opened, then police and soldiers mowed down hundreds of demonstrators with machine- gun fire.

Martelly claims his moniker “Sweet Micky” (also the name of his band) came from a nightclub performance in 1988, but it’s a nickname Col. Michel François also shared. U.S. documentary filmmaker and writer Kevin Pina recalls a concert at the El Rancho Hotel in Port-au-Prince in July 1993 where:

Colonel “Michel François, … who was also called ‘Sweet Micky’ after the coup of 1991 because people claimed he would have a broad smile on his face as he killed LAVALAS partisans, took to the stage” and “held up Martelly’s hand announcing to the crowd, ‘This is the real Sweet Micky.’” Pina adds, “That’s the first time I ever heard Martelly referred to as such.”

One concert that Martelly performed at the request of Michel François and military junta leaders was billed as a demonstration against Dante Caputo, the United Nations special representative to Haiti who was attempting to deploy UN human rights observers into the country. At that same time, the Haitian army and the infamous FRAPH death squads were slaughtering members of the anti-coup resistance.

Martelly, known at the time to have many friends throughout the military, explained to the Miami New Times:

“I didn’t accept [the request to play] because I was Michel François’s friend, I did not accept because it was the Army. I went because I did not want Aristide back.”

Most shockingly, Father Jean-Marie Vincent (who was killed by a coup death-squad on Aug. 28, 1994) accused Martelly of accompanying the Haitian police on deadly night-time raids to track down suspected LAVALAS resistance leaders.

“We have information that Michel Martelly has been traveling with death squads from the police when they go out at night to hunt and kill LAVALAS leaders,” Vincent told filmmaker Pina in a videotaped interview.

After Aristide returned to Haiti in October 1994, Martelly spent most of his time living “in a condo on Miami Beach,” where he “had a regular gig at the Promenade on Ocean Drive, where his band Sweet Micky performed compas, rhythmic Haitian dance music,” according to the Miami New Times.

In 2000, Aristide was overwhelmingly elected to a second term. But the George W. Bush administration, also coming into power at that time, launched a destabilization campaign to overthrow Aristide, which is detailed in Peter Hallward’s 2007 book Damming the Flood. Martelly became a willing participant in that germinating coup.

In 2002, the noose was tightening around Aristide.

Former soldiers had attempted a coup on Dec. 17, 2001, and the U.S. aid embargo was taking its toll. Nonetheless, Aristide’s government had launched several social investment programs including food cooperatives, the building of unprecedented numbers of schools, subsidization of school books, and other literacy promotion.

In his 2002 Carnival song, Martelly referred “to recent riots at a dockside warehouse here that were sparked by word that officials from Aristide’s party were stealing from a food program for the poor,” wrote the Washington Post. Although corruption under Aristide paled next to that under the 1991 military junta that Martelly supported, his Carnival song hit a nerve. By 2003, Martelly was on average spending $150,000 to $200,000 on his floats for Port-au-Prince’s annual Carnival, according to the Miami Herald. During Carnival, in which mockery of the government is a tradition, Martelly aimed extremely sharp and vulgar criticism at Aristide.

During that time, “Kolonget manman ou Aristide” was one of Sweet Micky’s refrains, perhaps the worst curse one can make in Kreyòl, meaning literally “the slave master fucked your mother.”

The 2004 Coup and its aftermath
In February 2004, Aristide was driven from power yet again. A U.S. Navy Seal team took the president from his home — Aristide called it “a modern kidnapping” — and sent him into exile in Africa, where he remains to this day. In the build-up to that coup, so-called “rebels” composed of former Haitian Army soldiers and former FRAPH death-squad paramilitaries, ran raids into Haiti’s Central Plateau and North, savagely executing dozens of Aristide supporters, government offi cials and some of their family members.

Wyclef Jean, a friend of Martelly, described the “rebels” as freedom fighters “standing up for their rights.” Following the coup, U.S., French, and Canadian soldiers occupied Haiti and set up an illegal de facto regime. As outcry against the February coup grew, Martelly held a concert in Port-au-Prince in April 2004 to counter calls for Aristide’s return. The concert was entitled: “Keep him out!”

In September 2004, Tropical Storm Jeanne flooded the northwest city of Gonaïves, killing some 3,000 people. U.S.-installed de facto Prime Minister Gérard Latortue was widely criticized for his ineffective and belated response to the disaster. One of his few initiatives was to hold a fundraiser with business leaders of the Haitian American Chamber of Commerce. Martelly, who had used his music only to undermine Aristide, headlined the Latortue gala, the Miami Herald reported. In 2006, with LAVALAS militants driven into hiding, jailed, or murdered, the Latortue regime held an election which brought former-President René Préval back to power. The LAVALAS base supported Préval, thinking he would bring Aristide back, free all the coup’s political prisoners, and reverse the neo-liberal march of the Latortue dictatorship.

But Préval betrayed these expectations, creating a government dominated by coup supporters and working closely with the foreign military occupation which had now been handed off to the UN.

He soon became reviled by large swathes of the poor for failing to enable Aristide’s return or to restart many of Aristide’s popular social investment programs. By 2009, Préval’s CEP banned Aristide’s party, the Lavalas Family (FANMI LAVALAS), from partial senatorial elections and later presidential and parliamentary elections. Préval’s weak response to the catastrophic January 2010 earthquake accelerated his decline.

The 2010 Selections and Martelly’s Rise
Finally, the CEP fixed general elections for Nov. 28, 2010. The Associated Press reported Dec. 10 that Martelly’s “political popularity took off in the weeks before the vote and seems to have surged since it appeared he had been narrowly disqualified from the race.” This surge owes a lot to Martelly’s hi-tech campaign, which outgunned and outclassed his 18 rivals by launching tens of thousands of computerized messages asking people to vote for him. Martelly hired a slick Spanish public relations firm to manage his campaign and break into the spotlight.

“The Madrid-based Sola, who played an indispensable role in getting Mexico’s Felipe Calderón into the president’s chair in 2006, has been running the Martelly campaign for the past seven weeks, which goes a long way toward explaining how the antic-prone musician suddenly emerged as a leading contender for Haiti’s presidency,” reported The Toronto Star on Dec. 6.

Calderón is widely considered to have stolen the 2006 election from leftist candidate López Obrador, a dirty victory which pleased Washington.

The firm Ostos & Sola has also helped the campaign of Lech Walesa, the transnational elite’s darling in Poland. Damian Merlo, Ostos & Sola’s executive director and Martelly campaign point-man, worked on the presidential campaign of U.S. Republican John McCain before joining the firm. All of these associations raise questions about what “hidden hand” may be behind the Martelly campaign.

“Today’s $50 million question: who is the Miami businessman who reached out to Antonia Sola to be Michel Martelly’s campaign fixer?” wrote the Toronto Star. “Sola smiles at the question, all Spanish charm. He’s not saying. ‘A friend, a businessman, presented Michel to us in the U.S.,’ he says.” The key to Sola’s formula for Martelly was to present him as an “outsider,” even though he had been the ultimate “insider” with the procoup bourgeoisie that overthrew Aristide twice.

On Nov. 28, as it became apparent that Haiti’s election was riddled with fraud and disenfranchisement, Martelly joined with 11 other candidates to call for election’s annulment. But later that day, Edmond Mulet, who heads the UN Mission to Stabilize Haiti (MINUSTAH), personally called Martelly to tell him that he was leading, Al Jazeera reported. Sweet Micky, without even telling the other candidates in the impromptu front, jumped back in the race. The next day, Martelly denied he had ever signed the joint letter read in his nodding presence at the candidates’ joint press conference on Nov. 28 calling for the election’s annulment. He explained:

“his change of position by saying his candidacy had been leading in polling stations where there had not been fraud,”Chicago’s Daily Herald reported.
“He saw all the fraud happening on election day,” motorcycle taxi driver Weed Charlot told IPS about Martelly. “But now he sees he has some votes and power. So he’ll accept the election.”

The same day he spoke to Martelly, Mulet called candidate Mirlande Manigat to also tell her she was leading in the vote. She too pulled out of the candidates’ annulment front. Then, on Dec. 7, the CEP announced that Manigat was leading with Unity’s Célestin in second-place, and hence the second-round. Martelly, who apparently came in third with just over 21%, about 6,800 votes short of Célestin, switched back into protest-mode. Popular anger was already high with Préval and the CEP for excluding the LAVALAS Family (FANMI LAVALAS) (only 23% of Haiti’s 4.7 million voters turned out, according to the CEP). The election mess was the last straw.

Furthermore, there was rage at MINUSTAH for attempting to cover-up that its troops in Mirebalais had accidentally introduced cholera into Haiti, where the disease is now a pandemic. With Wyclef Jean at his side predicting “civil war,’ Martelly channeled the deep popular frustration to attack the government for “robbing” him of a victory he claimed should have been his. The result has been a wave of election-related mayhem.

“It is clear that most of the acts of violence in Haiti around the election have been carried out by Martelly’s supporters,” said Ricot Dupuy of Radio Soleil d’Haïti, based in Brooklyn. “Thousands of his supporters have paralyzed the capital and other cities in protests that included attacks on public buildings,” Reuters reported. Some people have died in driveby shootings and skirmishes between Martelly’s supporters and those of Célestin. In late November, Haitian journalist Wadner Pierre witnessed a group of Martelly supporters at the Building 2004 voting center in Port-au-Prince throw rocks and chant: “If you don’t let us vote, we will burn this building down.”

Martelly supporters are responsible for burning a number of government buildings in the capital and in the southern city of Aux Cayes. They have also assaulted some opponents, while Célestin backers have been accused of killing at least one Martelly supporter.

Former Col. Himmler Rébu said on Haiti’s Signal FM that he had witnessed the tactics of Martelly’s troops in the street. “This is not something simple,” he said, a Kreyòl understatement that implies there are hidden forces at work. In short, there are two movements in Haiti today which are being simplified into one. There are the LAVALAS masses mobilized against Préval’s fraudulent exclusionary elections and the UN occupation, as well as for Aristide’s return.

Then there is the bid by Martelly, using his and Wyclef’s celebrity and Ostos & Sola’s scientific techniques, to co-opt this movement to bring him to power. To confuse people, he equates Préval with Aristide, pretending they are the twin governments responsible for the “failed policies” of the past two decades. In reality, Haiti’s sad state today can be mostly attributed to the 1991 and 2004 coups which Martelly supported.

Furthermore, the power behind Préval – Haiti’s pro-coup bourgeoisie – is close to Martelly, and imperialism is not threatened by him. We are witnessing a fierce rivalry between two factions which share the same two backers: Haiti’s anti-LAVALAS business class and transnational elites with the U.S. as their most powerful state apparatus.

As Martelly explained to the Huffington Post’s Georgianne Nienaber, he is very much in tune with Washington’s prescription for Haiti, supporting

“anything that will help exports… anything that will help the private sector.” Secondly, Martelly does not support the people’s call to end the UN occupation of Haiti: “I want to say to the international community, the diplomatic corps, and non-governmental agencies that we need them,” he said in the same interview.

Ultimately, Martelly is not a “dark horse” candidate, as Canada’s Globe & Mail suggests, who has come out of nowhere to lead “Haiti’s young and dispossessed.” He is a man with a long history of service to Haiti’s “Morally Repugnant Elite.” During his campaign, Martelly was fond of saying that in Haiti “it’s more about the man than about the plan.” If this is true, Haitians should have grave misgiving about a man who has backed two coup regimes that used death-squads to silence the poor majority and throttle Haiti’s nascent democracy.


  1. Rud colas

    You are truly transparent in your OP- ED of Martelly, your dislike for the man is clear, however in the interest of fairness, you could have have backed your article with more concrete facts than the suggestion of the mere fact that the duvalier regime loves the man music makes the man a duvalierist. Pretty pathetic OP- ED. R>Colas

  2. Sokari

    Thanks I know the film well.

  3. Sokari

    This article is by Jeb Sprague nonetheless I completely agree with his piece which I believe is well researched and backed up with sufficient evidence as to leave the reader in no doubt. Clearly you have not read the article properly.

  4. Thank you so much for this reference, which helps put Martelly in a context rarely reported. I hope the responses are as effectively researched and well-referenced.

  5. Ronald Altieri

    Since Preval was chosed by Aristide and Jude by Preval, is is only fair that both sides be looked at under the same microscope. Read this article attentively (I am a simple Haitian with no political affiliation who wants to see the best for Haiti – no matter who brings or where it comes from):

    Joel R Deeb
    Political and Security Consultant on Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean

    Omega Consultants & World News

    March 4, 2010

    His real name is Jean Baptiste Jean Philippe, which only very few Haitians would recognize. But, as Samba Boukman, his “nom de guerre,” he has a name recognition that is truly national in scope, a feared man with the reputation of being the most brutal killer who ever toiled as a gun for hire in the political gutters of Haiti.

    In 2005, as a gang leader of the Bel-Air area in Port-au-Prince, Samba Boukman launched Operation Baghdad, a broad campaign of terror on behalf of a former president of Haiti, the violence of which is yet to be matched in the small country’s turbulent political history. With hundreds murdered within months of its debut, Operation Baghdad killed indiscriminately, men, women, and children from the elite, the middle class and the poor. Its hallmark was the gruesome brutality of the assassinations, with obvious traces of torture on the corpses of victims, particularly on the genitals, and beheading as the preferred method of execution. Totally unafraid of the police, Samba Boukman presided over press conferences in which he warned Haitian mothers to make sure their children’s names were stamped on the soles of their feet, to facilitate a positive identification of their decapitated bodies. In households throughout the country, people were absolutely terrified.

    In the presidential elections of 2006, Samba Boukman was called into services by candidate René Préval. And, when elections results pointed to an unavoidable run-off between the latter and candidate Leslie Manigat, an internationally recognized scholar and political scientist, Samba Boukman summoned the violent gangs he controlled, in order to help the Electoral Council resolve the “impasse” in favor of his candidate, Mr. René Préval. With great diligence, the Electoral Council violated its own law to accommodate Mr. Boukman and his boss Mr. Préval, quickly finding a new method of counting blank ballots that guaranteed a first round victory for the latter, thus eliminating the need for a troublesome run-off.

    To seal the victory, Samba Boukman took his armed gangs through the streets of Port-au-Prince and Pétion-Ville, chanting “death to Mr. Préval’s opponents.” Residents of these two cities cowered deep into their homes, with their bones shaking in terror. To top it all, General Samba Boukman brought his troops to the Hotel Montana, where high ranking representatives of the United Nations and other international organizations lived, to celebrate Mr. Préval’s election victory in the swimming pool of the luxurious hotel, as uninvited guests who also roamed the hotel’s halls knocking on doors and entering rooms, trying to entice hotel patrons to join in their celebration. The message to the international community could not be louder.

    The Electoral Council promptly declared Mr. René Préval President-Elect of Haiti.

    Along with Mr. Amaral Duclona, another gang leader and cold blooded killer, now living in a prison cell in France for having murdered a French diplomat in Haiti’s capital city of Port-au-Prince, Samba Boukman, accompanied by members of his posse, who helped him kidnap and kill hundreds of innocent and defenseless citizens, joined the white collar criminals known as the Bourdon Group, at the plush private residence of Mr. Lionel Delatour, to celebrate Mr. Préval’s electoral victory.

    Mr. Lionel Delatour is the brain trust who orchestrates many of the economic crimes credited to her former sister-in-law, Mrs. Elizabeth Debrosse Delatour (Vorbe) (Celestin) Préval, or to his brother Mr. Patrick Delatour, Minister of Tourism in the government led by Mr. Jean Max Bellerive, and co-owner of a construction firm now doing business with the state. Lionel Delatour is also believed to be the financial advisor of the entire group of gangsters whose tickets to the club of nouveaux riches has been hand delivered by Président René Préval himself. This singular club, the members of which are also on Mr. Lionel Delatour’s client list, includes Mr. Leslie Voltaire, who amassed a personal fortune worth over U.S. $ 200 million dollars from the corruption practices of Haiti’s National Palace, and Mr. Jude Celestin, a profoundly intimate friend of Mr. Préval and former boyfriend of the president’s wife, and on behalf of whom Mr. Amaral Duclona kidnapped and murdered Mr. Robert Marcello, for a contract worth about U.S. $ 97 million dollars, as well as Mr. Jean Baptiste Jean Philippe, better known as Samba Boukman, who butchered hundreds of innocent citizens, and is now an appointed official member of President Préval’s Commission for Demobilization, Disarmament and Reinsertion (DDR).

    Earlier this week, Haiti’s Metropole Radio reported that, during the month of March 2010, over 60 Haitians laid dead from gunshot wounds at the morgue of the Hospital of the State University, while another 50 were treated by Doctors without Borders, for gunshot wounds, of which several later died. Where is Samba Boukman, the butcher of Bel-Air, and official member of President Préval’s Commission for Demobilization, Disarmament and Reinsertion (DDR)?

    Joel R Deeb
    Omega Consultant and World News
    April 4, 2010

  6. Sokari

    Yes Preval was part of Lavalas but he betrayed Aristide, Lavalas [as did many others] Neptune Alexis etc etc] and all those who voted for him – so there is no association between his behavior as President and that of President Aristide or Lavalas.

  7. Pachouco

    I think your article is bias and pro Aristide, it is time that the lavalas supporters start looking for new leaders to lead their movement, Aristide failed and the more their keep making this an Aristide movement the longer their will be out of the game.
    It was very slick how you tried to tide all of Haiti’s political crisis to Michel Martelly,but not everyone is oblivious to Haitian political history.
    Nice try but no cigar!

  8. Haccc1804

    I wonder how of many of you know anything about Haiti? These days many of the so-called progressists/liberals in the US are portraying Aristide as an angel. I used to believe in him too when I was a student at Stanford University in the early 90’s, but I was duped and misled. For some of you who have learned anything about Haiti; many of its past leaders, very few have been angels, many have been incompetent, but nothing is compared to Aristide, because of his thuggish behavior.

  9. Sokari

    Firstly who are the “some of you”? Secondly your comment is full of assumptions – that I am an American; secondly that I am a liberal and that my life has been spent in this country. Wrong on both counts – not that that would make me think any different. There are other parts of this world and some of us have the privilege of knowing other histories. You know nothing about me so you cannot assume I know nothing about Haiti. If you choose to believe lies and propaganda by the US government and its allies that is your problem. The anti-Aristides of this world make me laugh because never have they been able to name one recorded act of “thuggery” or criminality that he is supposed to have carried out and believe me I have searched and searched and found nothing either in Haiti or anywhere else. Frankly I pity you for your ignorance and lack of critical thinking.

  10. Rachelle

    Will you please shut up
    there is no way who ever wrote this is Haitian OR was in Haiti at the time.
    Aritisde is the worst thing that ever happened this country
    Him dismantling the FADH and replacing it with his armed thugs did so much harm to Haitian society.
    And what has the UN and OAS done for Haiti?
    Put an embargo on the country, then bring back Aristide so he could run his drug cartel, spend billions of dollars on their “mission”, that is paying foreign staff, equipment, etc…. while i can not see any improvement on Haitian reality. I am just sick of their involvement .
    Haiti was poor but now the word of Haiti brings grim images of complete destituteness ….
    SO what if the military liked Micky’s music, everyone did in Haiti, it is small country , and if there is a ball people go.
    Why don’t you spend your energy writing and researching Aristide’s perversion

  11. Rachelle

    Please research
    educate yourself
    don’t believe everything you read
    don’t just think him

  12. Sokari

    I dont work on what I read. I work on what I see, feel and hear first hand and with my own eyes and ears. I am not interested in getting into at “tit for tat” here. You have the freedom to speak here on my space yet you tell me to shut up! You believe as you wish but do not demand I shut up just because I have a completely different view of Haiti and the world that you do.

  13. Sokari

    You make me laugh – you really think I sit here and write without thought, without research, without observation, without listening? Please!

  14. I am completely agree with post and it’s a great source for information thanks for sharing.

  15. Titsoeur

    This article is really pathetic! Who writes this stuff?????

  16. E_oriol

    It is always you women who are so emotional politically who hate Aristide the most.It shows how easy it is to exploit and ridicule your mind.You only hate Aristide because you became scared of him.In spite of all the truth about Toto Constant and other CIA thugs,you insist on blaming Aristide for all the problems of Haiti.As a haitian woman,you have the heart and mind of a machine who is easily programmed to hate the poor and uneducated.I have always said that the Haitian woman is meaner than the men and you just proved me right. 

  17. Eric

    There is an old saying “Show me who your friends are and I will show you who you are”.You are more of an imbecile than you think……You actually believe that those crazy dark individuals from the Duvalier regime are going to invite just anybody within their ranks.The fact that Martelly was so much in their presence means that he was someone they could trust.He was not there just to sing but also to promote ideas and politics.Stop being like an emotional woman and listen to the truth for a change.

  18. E_oriol

    You are using a straw man argument.The author never said that all of Haiti’s problems were the fault of  just Michel Martelly.He forgot to mention Haitians like you who are too small minded to listen to the truth.Why is Michel proposing that the army should be reinstated?Haitian army has always fought against one enemy;The Haitian people whenever they are asking for justice and democracy.You last sentence makes me laugh…………I would say that over 90 percent of all Haitians are oblivious to both American and Haitian politics.Did you know that you can’t discuss one without the other?

  19. Sokari

    E_oriol. You are right in most of your points. Unfortunately this is totally ruined through your sexist and misogynist statements and puts on the same ignorant level as the person you are criticising.